Explicuerunt canones apostolorum missi ad Clementem in quibus sunt canones Nicenorum.Here end the canons of the apostles, sent to Clement, in which are the canons of Nicaea.
Among the Savior’s apostles, the Seventy, were, according to what Clement relates in the fifth book of the Hypotyposes, Barnabas, Sosthenes, Cephas the namesake of Peter, Matthias who was reckoned with the Eleven, [V12 adds: Eubulus, Pudens, Crescens in the second (epistle to Timothy)] Barsabbas and Linus, who Paul mentions when writing to Timothy, Thaddaeus, Cleopas, and his companions.
12. Der Marcianus lat. class. XXI cod. 10 (saec. XIII) hat nach Valentinelli, Bibl. ms. ad S. Marci Venetiarum, codd. Lat. tom. V p. 214 hinter der Historia scholastica des Petrus Comestor von anderer Hand folgendes Kapitel: [Petrus et Paulus Romae sepulti sunt; Andreàs Patrae civitate Acaiae; Jacobus Zebeduei in arce Marmarica; Joannes in Epheso; Philippus cum filiabus suis in Hierapoli Asiae; Burtholomaeus in Albone, civitate maioris Armenia(e); Thomas in Colamia civitate Judae (!); Matthaeus in montibus Parthorum; Marcus Alexandriae; Jacobus Alphaei iuxta templum; Thaddaeus et Judas in Britio Edessenorum; Simon Cleophas qui et Judas, post Jacobum episc. CXX annorum crucifixus est in Jerusalem, Traiano mandante; Titus Cretae; Crescens in Galliis;] Eunucus Candacis reginae, unus ex LXX apostolis, in Arabia quae felix est, ut . . ) Clemens in quinto libro hypotyposeon id est informationum [emphasis mine].
| Slot | (a) Zahn / Codex Marcianus note (Latin) | (b) List of the Apostles | Relationship |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Petrus et Paulus Romae sepulti sunt | (1) Simon Peter … (13) Paul … “is buried there [Rome]” | (a) compresses Peter+Paul into one burial notice in Rome; (b) separates them and adds preaching details. Core claim “Rome” matches. |
| 2 | Andreàs Patrae civitate Acaiae | (2) Andrew … “He died in Patras of Achaea” (in most Greek MSS) | Very close; (a) has exactly the Patras/Achaea death-place variant. |
| 3 | Jacobus Zebeduei in arce Marmarica | (3) James son of Zebedee … “died at … of Marmarica” | Same apostle, same distinctive geography (Marmarica). |
| 4 | Joannes in Epheso | (4) John … “He died in Ephesus” (in most Greek MSS) | Same endpoint “Ephesus,” with (b) adding Patmos/Asia details. |
| 5 | Philippus cum filiabus suis in Hierapoli Asiae | (5) Philip … “laid to rest in Hierapolis of Asia” + (AV3/Ethiopic add) “with his four daughters” | This is one of the strongest links: Hierapolis + the daughters motif is a hallmark of the expanded tradition, and (a) has it. |
| 6 | Burtholomaeus in Albone, civitate maioris Armenia(e) | (6) Bartholomew … (other Greek MSS/Ethiopic) “died in Albanopolis of Armenia Major” | Same “Alban-” toponym + “Armenia Major.” (a) is basically the Latinized version of that branch. |
| 7 | Thomas in Colamia civitate Judae (!) | (7) Thomas … (other MSS/Ethiopic) “died in the Indian town of Calamine” | The form is extremely suggestive: Colamia in (a) looks like a garbled Latin echo of Calamine in (b). The “Judae (!)” looks like a secondary mistake/gloss in the Latin line (your “(!)” is well-placed). |
| 8 | Matthaeus in montibus Parthorum | (8) Matthew … (other MSS) “he died in … of Parthia” | Both anchor Matthew in/near Parth- territory; (a) gives “mountains of the Parthians,” which fits the same family of locales. |
| 8a | Marcus Alexandriae (inserted right after Matthew) | (8a) Mark notice (in AV3/Ethiopic) is inserted right after Matthew in your (b) | The placement is decisive: Zahn’s Latin list puts Mark exactly where the AV3/Ethiopic tradition inserts him—after Matthew, before James of Alphaeus. That’s a structural fingerprint, not a generic overlap. |
| 9 | Jacobus Alphaei iuxta templum | (9) James son of Alphaeus … “is buried there near the temple” | Close match: “near the temple” is the shared distinctive phrase. |
| 10 | Thaddaeus et Judas in Britio Edessenorum | (10) Thaddaeus … preached in Edessa … buried in Beirut | Same complex: Thaddaeus/Jude + Edessa. The Latin “Britio” may reflect confusion/contamination with Berytus/Beirut (or another toponym in the Edessene orbit), but the cluster “Thaddaeus/Judas + Edessa-connection” is clearly the same stream. |
| 11 | Simon Cleophas qui et Judas, post Jacobum episc. CXX annorum crucifixus est in Jerusalem, Traiano mandante | (11) Simon … son of Cleophas, also called Jude … succeeded James … lived 120 years … crucified under Trajan | This is essentially the same sentence, compressed. The “Cleophas,” the “also called Jude,” |
But here's the real kicker. If Clement is the "Clement" cite by our Arian codex as being the basis for the Nicene canons, the identification of Mark as an apostle, one of the twelve, who went to Alexandria, we have our clearest argument for the authenticity of the Letter to Theodore. This is because two of the most persistent justifications for doubting Clementine authorship of the letter suddenly disappear:
- would Clement have thought that Mark had sufficient authority to write a gospel on his own authority rather than as Peter's mere interpreter?
- would Clement have known a tradition of Mark's association with Alexandria when - critics argue - the first witness to Mark's association with Alexandria only comes with Eusebius?
Now with Tony Burke's link to Zahn's ignored scholarship on the Hypotyposeis the answer to both questions is a resounding yes.
Harnack in an otherwise unknown work, Der Brief des britischen Konigs Lucius an den Papst Eleutherus ('Sitzungsberichte der koniglich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1904) helps explain the plausibility of these references to the deaths of the apostles having been established at the time of Clement:
Professor Harnack’s study of the fragment newly discovered of the Hypotyposes of Clement⁵ caused him to observe, in Zahn’s Forschungen, iii. 70, a quotation relating to the tombs of the Apostles, said to have been derived from the Hypotyposes. The quotation runs as follows:— The words Britio Edessenorum at once suggested the possibility that a clue to the curious word Britannio as it occurs in the Liber Pontificalis might be found here. It appears that, by the end of the second century, only one king had adopted Christianity, which religion his kingdom had also embraced. This king was Abgar IX, of Edessa, who reigned from 179 to 216. The date of his conversion is uncertain, but an entry in the Chronicle of Edessa for the year 201 states that a great flood in that year destroyed the sanctuary of the Christian church. The king of Edessa at this time was known not only by the name Abgar bar Ma‘nu, but also as Lucius Aelius Septimius Megas Abgarus IX bar Ma‘nu, the names Lucius Aelius being adopted in honour of Commodus. Abgar IX is the only monarch known to have borne the name of Lucius. Now he was in Rome during the time of Septimius, and the Acta Addaei connect the first bishop of Edessa, Palut, with Serapion of Antioch, who was consecrated by pope Zephyrinus. This pontiff became bishop of Rome in 193 and was martyred in 203. His predecessor was Victor I, the immediate successor of Eleutherius. It is related by Eusebius that the church at Osrhoëne, and the towns in that part, sent a letter to Rome about the year 190.⁶ Certain relations between Abgar IX, his subjects, and the city of Rome evidently existed at that period. It may well be conjectured that during Abgar’s sojourn in Rome he consulted the pope regarding his contemplated change of faith, and that he may, later, have sent letters to the pontiff by the hands of Roman missionaries who were labouring in Edessa. The question of his transformation into a British king remains to be considered. The apostles Thaddaeus and Jude, as we have seen, are said by the Hypotyposes of Clement to have been buried in Britio Edessenorum. According to Dr. Harnack, it is almost certain that the word Britio was misread by some early medieval scribe for an abbreviation of Britannio. Dr. Harnack notices that the see of the bishop of some now unknown city in Arabia, who subscribed the decrees of the Council of Nice, appears in one Syriac list as Britny,⁷ which might without difficulty be read as an abbreviation of Britanniae. The tomb of St. Jude in Britio Edessenorum was in the castle—Britium or Birtha—of Edessa, the home of Lucius Abgar IX, and the history of this castle is well known. Hallier says:— In the south-west, on the spur of the mountains of Edessa, stood the citadel, containing the winter palace of King Abgar IX, which is reached by the high-road known as Beth Sahriyé. (Arnold Harris Mathew, The English Historical Review XII. No. LXXXVIII, 3 - 4 In the ninth-century Chronicle of Edessa it is stated that ‘in the year 205 Abgar built the Birtha (palace) in his town.’ St. Jude’s tomb has been pointed out in the city of Edessa certainly from the third* century, and the Birtha , or castle , of Edessa is the Britium Edessenorum where Lucius Abgar resided. (Arnold Harris Mathew, The English Historical Review XII. No. LXXXVIII, 1907, 769 - 770)
The point of course is that Harnack's notice provides an absolute confirmation that indeed the material behind the "List of the Apostles" was indeed written by someone named "Clement" - clearly Clement of Alexandria - who encapsulated information from the end of the second century which could only have been known or made sensible to people in that time period.
The upshot for the study of Arianism will be developed in another thread. With regards to the question of the Letter to Theodore the absurd falseness of the claim that Eusebius "inventing" the entire Markan association with Alexandria (an objection only developed to prove Morton Smith a forger), it lies on the ground in ruins. Who other than a believing Alexandrian, a figure of paramount "orthodoxy" for the community, would have identified Mark as an apostle rather than with Irenaeus and Tertullian "an apostolic" - an invented terminology for the sole purpose of diminishing the authority of the "patron saint" of Alexandria and a rival to the Roman Church's ambitions of ruling the world.
Moreover, it is now clear that Clement not only believed that Mark came to Alexandria, but more significantly, had the authority to write his own version of the "Gospel of the Lord" or Gospel of Jesus, which he composed and which his name is now associated. After all, as is well attested, there has to be a reason why Clement cites from the Gospel of Mark in Quis Dives Salvetur rather than Matthew in order to set the "proper" or "orthodox" understanding of a believers relation with wealth. The reason is now obvious - Mark was his preferred gospel, and specifically the version of the Gospel of Mark which was guarded at his martyrium in Alexandria (or more precisely just outside its eastern walls).
We no longer need to postulate a "post-Eusebian origin" for the Letter to Theodore because Clement is demonstrated to have accepted the orthodoxy of Mark's coming to Alexandria, a core belief which Morton Smith in 1958 could not have possibly known to "invent" given that I am the first person to lay bare the proof from otherwise ignored texts.